Wal-Mart Stores, Inc. v. Duke -- A Sigh of Relief

Analysis will come later as all I have done is read the highlight and the line up of  judges. Judge Scalia's majority opinion was joined in some parts by all justices, while Justices Ginzberg, Breyer, Sotomayor and Kagan dissented from some.

The loud sound you heard was corporate America finally relaxing.

Frankly, I don't think anyone who is serious about an orderly resolution of disputes, where all parties have a fair shot at proving their allegations or defenses, has any other feeling.

The court's opinion is here.

Update: Now that I have read the opinon, here are some more substantive thoughts.

First, an ironic and sad footnote to today's opinion. Professor Richard Nagareda achieved what I assume is something highly desired by any academician, have one of your articles play a key role in a seminal Supreme Court decision. Professor Nagareda achieved that today, as both opinions the majority by Justice Scalia and a concurrence and dissent by Justice Ginzberg cite frequently from his Class Certification in the Age of Aggregate Proof, 84 N.Y.U. L. Rev. 97 (2009).  Unfortunately, Professor Nagareda died last October at the much too early age of 47, shortly after taking a position with Vanderbilt University School of Law.

 Today's case deals with the fine points of Rule 23, which is the vehicle for creation of class versus individual trials. It was widely used in the early days of Title VII, but its use had fallen off until the last few years. In part this was tied to the Civil Rights Act of 1991 which for the first time permitted jury trials and compensatory damages.  Courts generally held the compensatory damages were not suited for class actions.

In the last few years though, a new plaintiffs strategy emerged. Get a large enough class together, don't seek compensatory damages, just back pay and punitive damages,  get it certified and then force the defendant to settle because of the costs of defending and the uncertainty and difficulty of trying such a large case.  Wal-Mart v. Dukes was the largest of all, and frankly was a good case from an employers standpoint to end up before the Court.

Today's decision is going to severely restrict the use of class actions in discrimination cases going forward. The details will be fleshed out, but the Court unaminously made clear that cases where monetary issues, including back pay dominate (i.e. almost if they exist) then certification under Rule 23(b)(2), plaintiffs' preferred suit and the one it tried in Wal-Mart, is not appropriate. (Kudo's to the 5th Circuit, for having this position in advance.)

Much more important to Wal-Mart, and probably going forward, all of us, the 5-4 majority made it much more difficult to meet the standards for any class without a very tangible, specific job practice that it can be tied to. A standardized test with a disparate impact probably meets the standard but on first blush that seems to be about the closest bright line that we have.

The 5-4 opinion seems to pull the teeth from what I have always considered one of the more dangerous Supreme Court opinions, Watson v. Fort Worth Bank and Trust, a 1988 decision which seemed to permit a disparate impact case any time an employer's promotion practices were subjective (which was every employer) and there was a disparate impact (almost every employer).

For the short term, I think the focus will shift back to individual law suits and plaintiffs, or more aptly, the plaintiffs' bar, will regroup and decide what avenues there are left to pursue cases within a class framework. 

Although this case does not deal with the Fair Labor Standards Act and the collective action it permits, which are outside the purview of Rule 23, much of what the Court said could clearly be applicable to the way such cases are now being certified and handled.  I think you can start seeing Wal-Mart v. Dukes cited to district courts in FLSA cases starting today. What I will be looking for is when the district court cases start citing it back.

Here are a few of the early reports on today's decision:

• HR Lawyers Blog
• Workplace Prof Blog
• What's New in Employment Law

While I Am in the Land of Aloha, the Legislature Permits Guns on Employer Parking Lots Premises

I am vacationing on the Garden Island, but taking some time tonite to catch up on what's been going on. When I left Texas the legislature was still in session, although I thought all the economic problems would keep them from doing too much mischief potentially harmful to employers.

But I was as wrong about that, as I was right about how great Kauai would be.

While I was playing, Russell Cawyer at Texas Employment Law Update was posting on the passage of S.B. 321, which puts Texas in company with those states which prohibit employers from barring employees who are licensed to carry weapons from having them in their locked cars in the employers parking lot. There are a couple of exceptions, but they are not going to pick up many employers. Like other states, there is indemnity protection for the employer, although there is that troublesome exception for "gross negligence."

I am not a fan of these laws, although I can't say that I can post of any adverse consequences that have occurred in other states. Hopefully, I won't have occasion to update this post in the future with such a report.

Aloha.

Arizona Immigration Law Valid According to Divided Supreme Court

To the political bonfire of illegal immigration, the U.S. Supreme Court has just dumped several gallons of petrol, with its decision upholding the Legal Arizona Workers Act, which places penalties for hiring illegal workers on most Arizona employers and requires that employers use E-verify. U.S. Chamber of Commerce v. Whiting (5/26/11) [pdf].

The nitty-gritty of the legal argument is this. When Congress passed the Immigration Reform & Control Act, it expressly pre-empted ""any State or local law imposing civil or criminal sanctions (other than through licensing and similar laws) upon those who employ . . . unauthorized aliens."

It is the parenthetical phrase "(other than through licensing and similar laws)" that the Arizona legislature has driven the proverbial truck through, and now the Supreme Court has backed them up.

I will leave it to the immigration experts to talk about the impact on that particular body of law. The politico's can talk about what will happen from a political standpoint. My amateur observation is that many states, including Texas, will pass similar laws, a move will be made in Congress to roll back the savings clause, and all of these actions will be more for political purposes than for resolution of a national problem.

From a positive perspective, it is possible given that the defendant in this case was the U.S. Chamber of Commerce that this will be the spark (or explosion) that leads to serious discussions to come up with a rational national solution. (And I say to myself, and pigs may fly.)

One concern raised by the Chamber and the dissenting justices is that employers will choose not to hire Hispanic employees in order to avoid any threat of the rather severe sanctions that can be imposed on them. The majority opinion authored by Justice Roberts rejected that argument:

The Chamber and JUSTICE BREYER assert that employers will err on the side of discrimination rather than risk the “‘business death penalty’” by “hiring unauthorized workers.” [cites omitted] That is not the choice. License termination is not an available sanction simply for “hiring unauthorized workers.” Only far more egregious violations of the law trigger that consequence. The Arizona law covers only knowing or intentional violations. The law’s permanent licensing sanctions do not come into play until a second knowing or intentional violation at the same business location, and only if the second violation occurs while the employer is still on probation for the first. These limits ensure that licensing sanctions are imposed only when an employer’s conduct fully justifies them. An employer acting in good faith need have no fear of the sanctions.

As a textbook statement of what the world should be like, I would not quarrel with the logic of Justice Robert's statement.

As someone who every day sees how the real world works, it could not be further from reality. Employers who have had too many instances where their proper actions have been sustained only after lengthy and expensive court processes, will be hard to convince at the sub-conscious level that this scheme does not pose potential problems for them and alter their actions accordingly.

Today's decision leaves me with two distinct thoughts about the Supreme Court, not the merits of this case.

First, I regret that we no longer look for regular practicing lawyers for the Supreme Court, but choose them from judges, government lawyers and appellate specialists. From my small niche of labor and employment law,  it seems to me that the Court is far out of touch with what happens in the real world of the workplace.

Secondly, it makes me think about the political rhetoric against "judicial activism" and that "judges should not make law."

I don't think anyone seriously believes or can even say with a straight face that when Congress passed the savings clause that is the subject of this lawsuit that they were consciously deciding that states should be able to gain such a dominant place in the enforcement of the immigration laws. The situation was much different then, but no one really believes that the Congress which passed IRCA, which contains the language quoted above, made a conscious decision to endorse legislation like the Arizona statute. The fact is Congress didn't think about it in this context, nor was there probably any reason for them to do so.

That is not a criticism of the Supreme Court for doing their job. Because Congress didn't think about it in this case, and can never think of every possible situation, we have given to the courts the powers to fill in the gaps, to supply the answers where Congress gave us none. Hopefully that is done  using consistent legal principles, but even doing so will rarely point to one correct answer; in this case it clearly resulted in multiple answers. The only way we know what is the "correct answer" is by counting the number of judges on each side. 

Which means nothing more than that all the political rhetoric about appointing judges who will not make law, just follow it, is just political bs. Everyone wants judges who will apply the principles the way they want them applied in these situations. That's our system and that's fine.

What bothers me is politicians who either don't understand the system, or more cynically understand the system, but are not honest about it and hide behind the false statement that judges' job is not to make law, just interpret it.

I have not studied it enough to know whether I think today's decision was a legally correct one or not. What I do know is that in making it and in his opinion for the court, it would be ludicrous to say that Justice Roberts was just acting as an umpire. His job is very different, and frankly much more important, than that. In this case, Congress did not give us the clear cut answer and now the Court has.

DOL Help for Employer On OSHA Reporting

Last week I posted about DOL's new app for employees to keep records of their hours worked, so to be fair, the DOL does not limit its computerized assistance to employees. It also has on line assistance designed to help the employer community comply with their obligations under various statutes.

Although not as cool as an "app" the DOL's various elaws are helpful. The most recent, and what prompted today's post, is one to help an employer know if an incident is recordable under OSHA. To walk you through the regulations in a systematic form, check out theOSHA Recordkeeping Advisor.

For an employer not sophisticated in OSHA requirements, it's a good first step.

Legislative Override of Supreme Court

What a difference three years makes. Unlike the opening weeks of the prior Congress when it could not act fast enough to get the reversal of the Supreme Court's decision in the Lilly Ledbetter case to President Obama's desk, the offering of the Arbitration Fairness Act by Senator Franken, faces much more difficult sledding. Franken bill would block mandatory arbitration clauses in cell phone contracts.

Although this bill has been introduced now for several sessions, the latest is at least tied to the Supreme Court's recent decision in ATT Mobility LLC v. Concepcion which upheld an arbitration agreement that prohibited class actions.  See Franken's press release from earlier today here. The bill would ban mandatory arbitration both in consumer transactions and in the workplace (with an exception for arbitration provided for by collective bargaining).

Still, having testified at the Judiciary Committee hearing in the fall of 2009 where Senator Franken challenged mandatory arbitration, I have some personal experience with how strongly he feels about this bill. Here's a link to the testimony on the arbitration issue (fortunately for me I was testifying about the Gross decision).

For supporters of arbitration, although it would seem that passage of the AFA would be out of the question in this Congress, I wouldn't necessarily turn out the lights. If, and that' certainly is a big if, the idea that arbitation is unfair in a consumer setting could touch a chord in a large number of people (and it does not seem to have done so yet) this is one that could catch momentum quickly.

Particularly since arbitration is not something that most legislators have strong feelings about one way or another. For those who think it is a good thing in employment matters, the fact that prohibiting in the employment context always gets linked to banning it in consumer transactions is not comforting.

Update (05/19/2011 ) -  Although the text of the bill is not yet posted on the official Senate website, it is S.B. 987 and should be available in the next few days. From seeing a copy of the bill on BNA's Daily Labor Report, one interesting thing is that the bill has dropped the ban on arbitration in franchise agreements which was present in prior versions. Presumably, that was done to remove the objections of some. See the comment from the Defense Research Institute, which also points out that the bill contains a provision that would nullify another Supreme Court arbitration decision, Rent-A-Center West, Inc. v. Jackson, 120 S. Ct. 2772 (2010). The 2011 version of the Arbitation Fairness Act requires that decisions on the enforcibility of the arbitration agreement be made by the court, not an arbitrator.

Now an iPhone App for Wage and Hour Litigation

This is clearly a first for this blog. A link to the apple app store.

But when the Department of Labor releases an app for iPhone, iPod and iPad with this description:

... a timesheet to help employees independently track the hours they work and determine the wages they are owed. .... This new technology is significant because, instead of relying on employer's records, workers can now keep their own records. This information could prove invaluable during a Wage and Hour Division investigation when an employer has failed to maintain accurate employment records.

DOL-Timesheet for iPhone, iPod touch, and iPad on the iTunes App Store, it sounds blog worthy to me.

Technology, as employers have found with email, can be a two-edged sword. It will be interesting to see how this one plays out down the line.

A hat tip to my Indianapolis colleague, Christopher Murray, for pointing this out.

Arbitration As Protection Against Class Actions

Today the Supreme Court gave a powerful tool for employers to avoid collective and class actions when it overturned the 9th Circuit's decision in ATT Mobility LLC v. Concepcion (4.27.11) [pdf]. Justice Scalia writing for a sharply divided court, split on the now familiar lines, rejected attempts by states (in this case California) that would prohibit arbitration agreements which prohibit class treatment of claims.

Here, it was a consumer agreement under a system that could hardly be called unfavorable to the individual, in fact the district court had found that the individual couple who were attempting to lead a class action over the purchase of a phone, were undoubtedly better off in arbitration than as members of a class action that would last several years and likely result in a nominal payment to class members.  Still to be fair, it is also hard to argue with the point made by Justice Breyer in dissent that it is unlikely that many lawyers would have been interested in taking such a case on an individual basis.

On first blush, given the rage of FLSA collective actions and the desire for larger systemic class actions reflected by the Dukes v. Walmart case, every company that does not have in place a requirement that all disputes be settled by arbitration, and in that arbitration agreement, a provision that prohibits class treatment, will now be considering it again.

This is not to say that arbitration is a panacea ---the cost advantage is being lost as more and more arbitrations are proceeding just like a lawsuit that is being litigated in court, and the lack of any ability to effectively appeal the decisions is a serious danger,  both of which have to be weighed against the risk of large collective or class actions.  What today's decision permits is a re-calculating those odds with more certainty that you can accomplish the aim of defusing collective/class action liability if you are willing to pay the price of accepting the downsides or arbitration in individual cases.

Everyone has and continues to wait with concern the Court's decision in Dukes v. Walmart, which offers the Court an opportunity to put parameters on broad scale class litigation if it wishes.  It might be argued that today's decision augurs well for the employer community on how that case may turn out. Many employers may well wait until July when that shoe drops to do the recalculation between barring class/collective actions via arbitration or continuing to take their chances in the court system. Assuming the Court decides that case fully, it should at a minimum give even more certainty when making that calculation.

Besides companies engaging in that rebalancing, the other thing that is likely to happen is renewed talk about passage of the Arbitration Fairness Act, which would ban pre-dispute arbitration agreements between employers and employees (and also with consumers and in franchise agreements.) It seems unlikely that bill will pass during this Congress, but the there will surely be more discussion.

If the American Arbitration Association were a traded stock today, its price would be soaring.